This study traces the development of the kingship institution in Olomu kingdom of the Urhobo people in the West Niger Delta of Nigeria, from pre-colonial times through 1995, examining how it adapted to changing political and social contexts over this period. It employed the narrative and descriptive historical methods of research based on primary and secondary sources. The narrative approach was used to chronologically recount key events and transitions in Olomu's kingship institution over time. The descriptive method allowed for detailed explanations of the structure, roles, and cultural significance of the kingship at different historical stages. These methods provided a comprehensive historical account of the institution's evolution. Data were collected from oral histories, interviews, and archival materials. The study delves into the processes of succession, the rituals associated with kingship, its role in mediating between the spiritual and temporal realms. It also considers the impact of colonialism and post-colonial policies on kingship, and challenges of modern governance. By 1995, the kingship institution in Olomu had adapted to new realities, preserving key traditional elements. This research contributes to understanding how traditional leadership structures like those in Olomu have navigated change, maintaining relevance and authority within the broader context of Nigerian statehood.

Feminist movement in Africa lacks capable guardians to steer the development of feminine identity or theory, and to operationalize the feminist agenda. The apparent lack of a national or continental feminist theory has not helped to elevate the status of the majority of women beyond the patriarchal controls, particularly in the rural and peri-urban communities, despite improved social modernization. Africa’s feminist crisis involves the lack of leadership, ideological vacuity, absence of structure or movement, and the non-application of cultural; political; class; religious and tribal identities in developing feminist theory. In search of capable feminist guardians, the tendency of feminist groups is to co-opt self-actualized African women into feminism with or without their consent, and without regard to the accidental coincidence of those personalities’ narratives with feminist epistemology. Feminism in Africa is in search of relevance within the public space. This paper interrogates these issues and uses the narrative of several self-actualized women in Africa, who have, apparently, been co-opted into feminism as a result, to discuss aspects of the crisis and the delimiting public policy and legislation against, perhaps, the development of feminine identity.

This study examines the pragmatic and linguistic aspects of politeness and impoliteness in Nigerian open letters. Its objectives are to: examine how linguistic choices indicate [im]politeness and investigate how common ground influences the expression of im/politeness in the selected open letters. The study employed the qualitative research method while it deployed the purposive sampling technique to select three open letters written to two sitting presidents in the Fourth Republic between 1999 and 2015. The letters are Wole Soyinka’s ‘You're Rambo on the loose’, Umar Abubakar Dangiwa’s ‘The Devil Is It’ and Olusegun Obasanjo’s Before it is Too Late’. The recipients of the letters were Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. Only the letters that centred on political matters and the state of the nation were considered in this study. The study uses the pragmalinguistic framework of Geoffrey Leech (2014) to analyse how im/politeness is grammticalised in the selected open letters. The analysis showed that iterative lexemes such as ‘never’, more, many and routine iterative lexemes are deployed to activate face threatening acts to attack the recipient’s face. From the analysis, it was revealed that the use of the iterative verb ‘repeat’ presupposes the writers’ misalignments with the recipient’s allegation of breaching the maxim of quality, i.e., fabricating lies; the adverb ‘more’ reveals a determination to debunk the allegation of mediocrity, etc. The study concludes that the open letters grammaticalise im/politeness in such a way that an understanding of the political narrative background prompting the writing of the letters is indispensable.

This study explores Fela Anikulapo Kuti, arguably Africa’s most iconic resistant artist of the twentieth century by analysing the strategic logic of Nonviolence in his responses to numerous violent attacks by the repressive and oppressive regimes of the post independent Africa, nay Nigeria. Using the conceptual tool of music as social process and philosophical tool of critical and constructive analysis, the study combines documentary data in Fela’s Afrobeat and Key Informant Interview, in order to demonstrate the strategic logic of nonviolence in conflict engagement and transformation in Fela. The study argues that Afrobeat is a musical philosophy shaped by disregard for human rights and gross irresponsibility on the part of government that have manifested in Africa/Nigeria’s underdevelopment since the Union Jack was lowered in 1960s. The study avers that chose to be part of politics of revolution by using his music to exude protest and persuasion, non-cooperation and intervention against injustice that has created the many problems of man and social reality. The study concludes that Fela won against the oppressed post-colonial African leaders as he was the public conscience of the oppressed Africans who have continued to win despite being repressed.

Background: The thirty-year-old Public Order Act of Ghana of 1994 (Act 491), is seen as archaic legislation over the people’s civil libertarian rights to assemble in protest against inimical and corrupt government actions. It has become the bane of democratic development in Ghana, preventing the citizens right to conduct non-violent civil disobedience acts,  and seen as anti-establishment act. Methods: This is an exploratory as well as retrospective review of government security apparatchik’s interpersonal relationship with the Ghanaian public who engage(d) in non-violent demonstrations and protests since the promulgation of the act. Results: The assessment revealed that, for the average Ghanaian citizen, his or her only means of getting the attention of government is through public demonstration or protest. The Parliamentarians for their constituencies are disconnected from them giving them no avenue for the redress of grievances. It also found that, the international development partners operating in Ghana are perceived to be siphoning the life-blood out of the people of Ghana, sort of domestic economic hit men, who promote Ghana as a democracy despite the realities on the ground, due to the effect of their role on increasing income inequalities among the populations. Conclusion: Despite the persistent denial of the public’s right to assemble and protest against government conduct: corruption, stealing, extravagant living and spending, denial of meritocratic job placement, and the harm caused to their freedoms, the international development partners and nations continue to issue endorsements to the government as running a democratic system, despite evidence-based corruption, indebtedness to both international and domestic creditors and poor socio-economic outcomes for the people of Ghana due poor leadership and management of the economy.

Theorizing civilian attacks on military and police officers in Ghana, the author adopted the Direct Participation in Hostilities concept applied in International Humanitarian Law during war time to protect civilians in the “Civil-Military Participation in Hostility Model”. It seeks to theorize the factors coalescing into incidence of hostilities during peace time by civilians against agents of State Security and vice versa. The Direct Participation in Hostilities refers to the cancellation of security protection of civilians during war, when they opt to participate in hostilities caused by the enemy, military or police intervention or operations. That conduct evaporates the expectation of protection from the military or police personnel, which makes the civilians targets in war times. In peace time, when civilians attack security personnel for cause or without cause, the withdrawal of protective performative services by State Security services should be the same as if it is war time situation justified by the concepts of self-defence and State Security. The “Civil-Military Participation in Hostilities Model” is a constructivist and realist approach to the resulting harm either perpetrated by civilians on the security personnel or the security personnel attacks due to civilian infractions or breach of public order. The eruption of hostilities from either angle may be due to the absence of a capable guardian or legal framework; and the absence of culpability, probity and accountability in security services delivery post-facto.

Military Coups in Africa share a “cause-and-effect” relationship with civilian mal-administration, by way of the military auditing, disrupting and helping to arrest or capture, and re-organize defective governance system in politically sick-nations. This aim appears consistent with the mandate of the Military to serve, protect and defend the national interests, therefore, turning coups into constitutional cure and prophylactic? The analysis in this paper is conducted under the concept of Military-Coup-Symbiosis: consisting of mutualism, commensalism and parasitism. Military-Coup-Symbiosis espouses the cyclical nature of military-takeovers, and the beneficial effects on democracy in general. It also rationalizes the justification why coups are bound to co-exist with civilian governments, for as long as political leaders continue to support and engage in De-democratization processes, exhibiting inimical conducts such as neopatrimonialism, and non-meritorious job recruitment and promotions. This paper investigates the possible curative qualities of military coups on good governance by posing as perpetual threat caution to democracy, and the normative values as political prophylactic to arrest and prevent potential leadership abuses. The ultimate question is how military interventions in politics can be harnessed to clean up mal-administration in politically sick-nations?